Disparity among Millennials Ages 25-32 By Education Level in Terms of Annual Earnings …For those who question the value of college in this era of soaring student debt and high unemployment, the attitudes and experiences of today'south young adults—members of the so-called Millennial generation—provide a compelling answer. On virtually every measure out of economic well-being and career attainment—from personal earnings to task satisfaction to the share employed full time—young higher graduates are outperforming their peers with less education. And when today's young adults are compared with previous generations, the disparity in economic outcomes between college graduates and those with a high school diploma or less formal schooling has never been greater in the modern era.

These assessments are based on findings from a new nationally representative Pew Research Center survey of 2,002 adults supplemented by a Pew Enquiry analysis of economic data from the U.S. Census Agency.

The economic assay finds that Millennial higher graduates ages 25 to 321 who are working full time earn more annually—well-nigh $17,500 more—than employed young adults holding merely a high school diploma. The pay gap was significantly smaller in previous generations.2 College-educated Millennials as well are more probable to exist employed full time than their less-educated counterparts (89% vs. 82%) and significantly less likely to be unemployed (3.eight% vs. 12.2%).

Education and Views About Work Turning to attitudes toward piece of work, employed Millennial college graduates are more likely than their peers with a high schoolhouse diploma or less teaching to say their job is a career or a steppingstone to a career (86% vs. 57%). In contrast, Millennials with a high schoolhouse diploma or less are about three times every bit probable as higher graduates to say their work is "but a job to go [them] by" (42% vs. 14%).

The survey besides finds that amid employed Millennials, college graduates are significantly more probable than those without whatever college experience to say that their education has been "very useful" in preparing them for work and a career (46% vs. 31%). And these ameliorate educated immature adults are more than probable to say they accept the necessary pedagogy and training to advance in their careers (63% vs. 41%).

But practice these benefits outweigh the financial burden imposed by four or more years of college? Among Millennials ages 25 to 32, the answer is clearly yes: About nine-in-x with at least a bachelor'south caste say college has already paid off (72%) or will pay off in the future (17%). Even among the two-thirds of college-educated Millennials who borrowed money to pay for their schooling, about 9-in-ten (86%) say their degrees have been worth information technology or await that they will be in the future.

Of course, the economical and career benefits of a college degree are not limited to Millennials. Overall, the survey and economic analysis consistently discover that college graduates regardless of generation are doing better than those with less education.3

Rising Earnings Disparity Between Young Adults with And Without a College DegreeBut the Pew Research study as well finds that on some fundamental measures, the largest and most striking disparities betwixt higher graduates and those with less education surface in the Millennial generation.

For case, in 1979 when the offset wave of Baby Boomers were the same age that Millennials are today, the typical high school graduate earned near 3-quarters (77%) of what a higher graduate fabricated. Today, Millennials with only a high school diploma earn 62% of what the typical higher graduate earns.

To be sure, the Groovy Recession and the subsequent slow recovery hitting the Millennial generation specially hard.4 Neither higher graduates nor those with less education were spared. On some central measures such as the percentage who are unemployed or the share living in poverty, this generation of higher-educated adults is faring worse than Gen Xers, Baby Boomers or members of the Silent generation when they were in their mid-20s and early 30s.

Simply today's high school graduates are doing even worse, both in comparing to their college-educated peers and when measured confronting other generations of loftier school graduates at a like point in their lives.

Percentage of Generation in Poverty, by Educational AttainmentFor example, among those ages 25 to 32, fully 22% with only a high schoolhouse diploma are living in poverty, compared with half-dozen% of today'southward college-educated young adults. In contrast, merely vii% of Baby Boomers who had only a high schoolhouse diploma were in poverty in 1979 when they were in their belatedly 20s and early 30s.

The Generations DefinedTo examine the value of didactics in today's job market, the Pew Research Heart drew from ii complementary data sources. The get-go is a nationally representative survey conducted Oct. vii-27, 2013, of 2,002 adults, including 630 Millennials ages 25-32, the age at which most of these young adults will accept completed their formal educational activity and started their working lives. This survey captured the views of today'due south adults toward their didactics, their job and their experiences in the workforce.

To mensurate how the economic outcomes of older Millennials compare with those of other generations at a comparable age, the Pew Research demographic analysis drew from data collected in the authorities'due south Current Population Survey. The CPS is a large-sample survey that has been conducted monthly by the U.Due south. Census Bureau for more than six decades.

Specifically, Pew analysts examined CPS information collected last year among 25- to 32-year-olds and then examined information amongst 25- to 32-twelvemonth-olds in four before years: Silents in 1965 (ages 68 to 85 at the time of the Pew Inquiry survey and Current Population Survey); the first or "early on" wave of Baby Boomers in 1979 (ages 59 to 67 in 2013), the younger or "late" moving ridge of Babe Boomers in 1986 (ages 49 to 58 in 2013) and Gen Xers in 1995 (ages 33 to 48 in 2013).

The Rising of the College Graduate

While Education Levels of 25- to 32-year-olds Have Risen Dramatically Across the Generations …Today'due south Millennials are the best-educated generation in history; fully a tertiary (34%) have at to the lowest degree a available's caste. In contrast, only 13% of 25- to 32-twelvemonth-olds in 1965—the Silent generation—had a college degree, a proportion that increased to 24% in the late 1970s and 1980s when Boomers were young adults. In dissimilarity, the proportion with a high schoolhouse diploma has declined from 43% in 1965 to barely a quarter (26%) today.

At the same time the share of college graduates has grown, the value of their degrees has increased. Between 1965 and last year, the median annual earnings of 25- to 32-twelvemonth-olds with a college degree grew from $38,833 to $45,500 in 2012 dollars, nearly a $7,000 increase.

Taken together, these two facts—the growing economical return to a college caste and the larger share of college graduates in the Millennial generation—might suggest that the Millennial generation should be earning more than before generations of young adults.

But they're not. The overall median earnings of today's Millennials ($35,000) aren't much different than the earnings of early Boomers ($34,883) or Gen Xers ($32,173) and only somewhat higher than Silents ($30,982) at comparable ages.

The Failing Value of a High School Diploma

The Widening Earnings Gap of Young Adults by Educational AttainmentThe caption for this puzzling finding lies in some other major economic trend reshaping the economic landscape: The dramatic decline in the value of a high school education. While earnings of those with a college degree rose, the typical high school graduate'due south earnings cruel past more than than $3,000, from $31,384 in 1965 to $28,000 in 2013. This decline, the Pew Research assay found, has been large enough to nearly offset the gains of college graduates.

The steadily widening earnings gap by educational attainment is further highlighted when the analysis shifts to runway the difference over time in median earnings of higher graduates versus those with a high school diploma.

In 1965, young higher graduates earned $7,499 more than those with a loftier school diploma. But the earnings gap by educational attainment has steadily widened since so, and today it has more than doubled to $17,500 among Millennials ages 25 to 32.

Other Labor Market place Outcomes

To be sure, the Great Recession and painfully tedious recovery have taken their toll on the Millennial generation, including the college-educated.

Immature higher graduates are having more difficulty landing piece of work than earlier cohorts. They are more likely to be unemployed and have to search longer for a job than earlier generations of young adults.

Merely the moving picture is consistently bleaker for less-educated workers: On a range of measures, they non only fare worse than the college-educated, only they are doing worse than earlier generations at a similar age.

For example, the unemployment rate for Millennials with a college degree is more than double the rate for college-educated Silents in 1965 (3.8% vs. i.4%). Just the unemployment rate for Millennials with only a loftier school diploma is even higher: 12.ii%, or more than 8 percentage points more for college graduates and almost triple the unemployment rate of Silents with a loftier school diploma in 1965.

The same design resurfaces when the measure shifts to the length of fourth dimension the typical job seeker spends looking for piece of work. In 2013 the average unemployed college-educated Millennial had been looking for piece of work for 27 weeks—more than double the time it took an unemployed college-educated 25- to 32-year-one-time in 1979 to get a job (12 weeks). Again, today'due south young high school graduates fare worse on this mensurate than the college-educated or their peers in earlier generations. Co-ordinate to the analysis, Millennial high school graduates spend, on boilerplate, 4 weeks longer looking for work than college graduates (31 weeks vs. 27 weeks) and more than than twice equally long as similarly educated early on Boomers did in 1979 (12 weeks).

Similarly, in terms of hours worked, likelihood of total-time employment and overall wealth, today's young college graduates fare worse than their peers in earlier generations. But once more, Millennials without a college degree fare worse, not just in comparison to their college-educated contemporaries merely also when compared with similarly educated young adults in earlier generations.

The Value of a College Major

As the previous sections show, having a college degree is helpful in today's job market. Just depending on their major field of study, some are more relevant on the job than others, the Pew Research survey finds.

To measure the value of their college studies, all college graduates were asked their major or, if they held a graduate or professional caste, their field of study. Overall, 37% say they were social scientific discipline, liberal arts or education majors, a third (33%) say they studied a branch of scientific discipline or applied science and a quarter (26%) majored in business. The remainder said they were studying or grooming for a vocational occupation.

Usefulness of Major, by Field of StudyOverall, those who studied scientific discipline or technology are the well-nigh likely to say that their electric current job is "very closely" related to their college or graduate field of study (60% vs. 43% for both social science, liberal arts or education majors and business organization majors).

At the aforementioned fourth dimension, those who majored in science or engineering are less probable than social science, liberal arts or education majors to say in response to another survey question that they should have chosen a different major every bit an undergraduate to ameliorate prepare them for the job they wanted.

According to the survey, only about a quarter of science and engineering science majors regretted their decision (24%), compared with 33% of those whose caste is in social scientific discipline, liberal arts or educational activity. Some 28% of business majors say they would take been meliorate prepared for the task they wanted if they had chosen a different major. (Overall, the survey establish that 29% say they should take called a different major to improve set them for their ideal task.)

Major Regrets

College Days, ReconsideredIn addition to selecting a unlike major, the Pew Research survey asked college graduates whether, while even so in school, they could accept ameliorate prepared for the blazon of job they wanted past gaining more work feel, studying harder or beginning their job search earlier.

Nigh three-quarters of all college graduates say taking at least one of those four steps would have enhanced their chances to land their ideal job. Leading the should-have-done list: getting more piece of work experience while all the same in schoolhouse. Half say taking this step would have put them in a better position to get the kind of job they wanted. About four-in-ten (38%) regret not studying harder, while three-in-10 say they should take started looking for a task sooner (30%) or picked a different major (29%).

When analyzed together, the survey suggests that, among these items tested, but virtually a quarter (26%) of all college graduates accept no regrets, while 21% say they should have washed at least three or all 4 things differently while in college to enhance their chances for a job they wanted.

The survey as well found that Millennials are more likely than Boomers to have multiple regrets about their college days. Three-in-ten (31%) of all Millennials and 17% of Boomers say they should have done three or all iv things differently in gild to prepare themselves for the chore they wanted. Some 22% of Gen Xers say the same.

The remainder of this study is organized in the post-obit manner. The outset chapter uses Demography Agency data to compare how Millennials ages 25 to 32 with varying levels of education are faring economically. Information technology likewise examines how economic outcomes by level of education take changed over time by comparison the economic fortunes of Millennials with those of similarly educated Gen Xers, Baby Boomers and Silents at comparable ages.

The second chapter is based exclusively on data from a recent Pew Research Centre survey. It examines how all adults assess the value of their didactics in preparing them for the workforce and specifically how these views differ past levels of education.

Most the Data

Findings in this report are based mainly on information from: (one) The Electric current Population Survey and (2) A new Pew Inquiry Centre survey conducted in October 2013.

Data on Labor Market and Economic Outcomes: The labor market place and economical data are derived from the Electric current Population Survey (CPS). Conducted jointly by the U.Southward. Census Bureau and the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the CPS is a monthly survey of approximately 55,000 households and is the source of the nation'due south official statistics on unemployment. The CPS is nationally representative of the civilian noninstitutionalized population. This analysis uses the Annual Social and Economic Supplement collected in March of each year. The March CPS features an expanded sample size (about 75,000 households in 2013) and is the ground for the widely noted Demography Bureau'south annual Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage estimates reported each fall (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor and Smith ,2013). The information analysis used the University of Minnesota Population Center's integrated version of the March CPS (Rex, Ruggles, Alexander, Flood, Genadek, Schroeder, Trampe, and Vick ,2010).

Survey Information: The Pew Inquiry survey was conducted Oct 7-27, 2013, with a nationally representative sample of ii,002 adults age 18 and older, including 982 adults ages 18 to 34. A full of 479 interviews were completed with respondents contacted by landline telephone and i,523 with those contacted on their cellular phones. In order to increase the number of 25- to 34-twelvemonth-onetime respondents in the sample, additional interviews were conducted with that accomplice. Data are weighted to produce a final sample that is representative of the general population of adults in the United States. Survey interviews were conducted in English and Spanish nether the direction of Princeton Survey Inquiry Assembly International. Margin of sampling mistake is plus or minus 2.7 percentage points for results based on the full sample at the 95% confidence level.